Jamie Galbraith and the NAIRU — September 10, 2010

Jamie Galbraith and the NAIRU

I linked on Twitter to Jamie Galbraith’s old NAIRU paper, but explaining why it’s important to people who don’t care about economics, in 140 characters or fewer, turns out to be really hard. Here’s a quick note.

Basically, economists envision that there’s a tradeoff between the rate of unemployment and the rate of inflation. Suppose unemployment is very low. Now workers have more bargaining power. So they can demand higher wages. Enough of them do this, and prices rise. Eventually one can even end up with the dread “embedded inflation”: workers anticipate lots of inflation in forthcoming years, so they ask for wage contracts that guard against that inflation. Let’s say inflation was 10% per year. Now their contracts command, say, 11% raises per year. Now, inasmuch as prices depend on the costs of labor, prices will rise even more. And so the spiral goes.

There’s supposed to be a “natural rate” of inflation, an idea which apparently goes back to Milton Friedman’s 1968 presidential address to the American Economic Association and Phelps’s paper from the preceding year. This natural rate corresponds to a particular rate of unemployment called the NAIRU, for the “non-accelerating-inflation rate of unemployment”. As the name suggests, it’s supposed to be the rate of unemployment at which inflation stays where it is.

The only problem, says Galbraith, is that no one knows where the NAIRU is, and what economists say about it changes over time. Oh wait, there’s another problem: it’s not clear that labor costs have actually been responsible for inflation; it may just be that we got inflation when an “external shock” like a war or an oil embargo intervened. [1]

Most importantly, the focus on the tradeoff between inflation and unemployment takes our eyes off other, more-important things, like the unemployment-inequality tradeoff. Galbraith presents an alternative to Friedman’s “natural” rate of unemployment, which, again, is a rate above which inflation is supposed to start accelerating; Galbraith’s “natural” rate is the one above which inequality is supposed to start increasing, and he estimates it “quite stably” at 5.5 percent.

I need to emphasize just how important this is. The Federal Reserve emphasizes one goal — price stability — to the exclusion of others. Which would be fine — price stability is in the Congressional mandate — if the Fed weren’t using a phantom to achieve that goal. And the Fed is too cautious, too worried about the effects of labor costs, which likely keeps unemployment higher than it needs to be. Which, in turn, is a weapon to maintain increasing inequality.

[1] — It’s oddly unremarked-upon that the U.S. government took very active control over the U.S. economy during World War II. With the government printing so much money and dumping so much of it into the economy to get war production going, inflation would be inevitable. To avoid that end, the government had to enforce strict price controls. Jamie Galbraith’s father, the great John Kenneth Galbraith, was one of the folks in charge of these controls; he writes a bit about this in [book: Money: Whence It Came, Where It Went], and probably in other works.

At another time, I will write about how silly I find the usual American mythologizing of World War II. Yes, maybe it had something to do with “Americans coming together, as never before, to defeat a common enemy.” A more straightforward explanation is that World War II was the natural endpoint of two centuries of capitalist development, centralized control, and the deployment of industrial processes toward warmaking. “Total war,” the idea that an entire nation’s resources are devoted toward destroying one’s enemies, and that war should naturally be brought to bear against the civilians of other countries, helped. There may be room for patriotically beating hearts in here, but these other explanations seem more fruitful.

Health reform maybe striking a blow for gender equality? — April 8, 2010

Health reform maybe striking a blow for gender equality?

This is really out of my butt, but I do wonder:

* A lot of couples would really like to split the childcare more evenly.
* It would really be ideal, toward that end, if both members of the partnership could work part-time and take care of the kids the other part of the time.
* But there’s very little meaningful part-time work in this country.
* Part-time work is made even less of an option because health insurance largely only goes to full-time employees.
* But under health reform, you’ll be able to get health insurance through an exchange, if your employer doesn’t offer it to you. (Note to self: look up the details of who’s eligible to buy on the exchanges.)
* So some couples won’t need to send one partner into full-time work, because they’ll be able to get health-insurance with only part-time labor.

Obviously this isn’t a full solution, and obviously there are benefits to full-time labor that part-time labor still won’t be able to match. But at the margin, at least, I suspect this will lead more than a few couples to split the childcare. Which is a good thing.

T-shirt idea — March 26, 2010
Stop going off about the public option — March 22, 2010

Stop going off about the public option

Sorry to be so negative, but really: people just shouldn’t be getting pissed about the absence of a public option, for at least three reasons:

1. Even with a public option, we always would have needed to address subsidies for those with low incomes. People are welcome to chime in with other information here, but the public option does not address affordability at all. It addresses the quality of insurance. Subsidies were always the bigger deal.
2. *We got coverage for 32 million people*. We got *affordable* coverage for 32 million people. We got coverage that *saves 32 million people from health-care-related bankruptcy*. Liberals of a certain stripe have gotten monomaniacal about their preferred policy, rather than focusing on the end goal — which is *to help people who couldn’t afford good health insurance to afford good health insurance*.
3. Now we have something that we can fix. Before we had nothing. New entitlements don’t disappear, as David Frum has now-famously pointed out. Entitlements get better. So let’s make this one better.

This has been, in some ways, a great hour for the Left. In other ways, it has revealed them to be monomaniacal public-option fetishists. Now is not the time to continue the fetish. Now is the time to consolidate our gains and *keep moving forward*. You want a public option? Great! You’re closer to a public option than you were a year ago. So go get it. Donate to candidates who support it. Call Bernie Sanders’s office and ask what tactical advice he’d give. Don’t act like an armchair quarterback and complain that the big bad U.S. Congress with its big bad traitorous liberals didn’t give you what you wanted.

History is written by the winners; history also exalts the winners — March 21, 2010

History is written by the winners; history also exalts the winners

If this health-care-reform thing happens, people will find Reasons Why It Happened. Look at what happened when Scott Brown won in Massachusetts: people tried to look for a Large Trend or whatever that explained why the Republicans were taking over. Brown won with 52% of the vote — certainly a solid lead, but not exactly a landslide. Many things could have caused a three-percent swing in votes. Coakley could have been a better candidate, for instance. But once Brown won, journalists had to opine on What It All Means — because it had to Mean Something.

Now here we are on the eve of what looks like the greatest progressive victory since Medicare. I, for one, am incredibly excited. I’m excited both because 32 million of the least fortunate Americans will have a safety net beneath them that’s a bit stronger; and because I hope that this will energize progressives toward future victories.

So now the press will have to come up with explanations. Health reform succeeded because Nancy Pelosi is one of the greatest Speaker in House history, for instance. The Republicans failed because the Tea Party movement, while important, was ragtag and ill-focused. Etc.

But we were all alive over the last year. We saw where this could have failed any number of times. It could have failed if House Democrats had fallen apart after Scott Brown’s victory, as it looked like they would. It could have failed last summer if the Tea Party thing had freaked people out more than it did. Had it failed at any of those moments, the press would be looking for reasons. Nancy Pelosi would still be the Speaker, but now she’d be the worst Speaker in House history — squandering a massive lead, etc., etc. Flip a few Congressmen the other way, and suddenly the narrative changes massively.

I’m not saying that this victory — should it happen — is entirely arbitrary; of course it’s not. What I *am* saying is that, if it were as inevitable and foreordained as the narrative will make it out to be, then no one would have panicked over the last year.

I like simple explanations as much as anyone else. I like, for instance, the Larry Bartels model that predicts presidential elections on the basis of macroeconomic factors like the unemployment rate. So far as I know, there’s no such model predicting victory in this health-reform debate. The only explanations that people can advance are post-facto ones.

Which doesn’t bother me a bit, in this case. My side looks like it’s going to win. (If it doesn’t, I will do the appropriate amount of crow-eating.) If this will have any effects, they will be positive effects for my side. Victory is like that.

What I’m curious about is how long-lasting the effects of a victory — any victory of this magnitude — are. It’ll help us, but for how long?

What would people like to attack after this? Financial-system reform?

Vindication, then and now — March 18, 2010

Vindication, then and now

On the elevator up to work today, I saw a headline that Obama says he’ll be vindicated for the choices he’s made on health care and financial reform.

To review: President Bush starts an unnecessary war in which thousands of Americans die and we literally detonate $3 trillion. Obama picks up a financial crisis that started on Bush’s watch, then helps to push through health reform that will cover 30 million of the country’s least fortunate while reducing the long-term deficit.

Now then: which of these two would you guess has to worry about how history will view him?

Conservatives mock the uninsured — February 27, 2010

Conservatives mock the uninsured

Via Matt Yglesias’s Twitter feed: a really disgusting round of conservative class-baiting, mocking those who lack insurance and suffer as a result.

It’s really quite simple, and it’s really been quite simple for at least this past year: there are those who care about protecting the uninsured, and there are those who don’t. There are those who think it’s a problem that 30 million or more Americans suffer and die needlessly, and there are those who don’t. If you see it as a problem, you search for ways to solve it; if you don’t, you don’t.

Of course there are those who believe that government just cannot solve the problem. But these folks have proposed remarkably thin gruel in response; e.g., the Republican “plan” that will only cover 3 million people. The only reasonable conclusion is that Republicans don’t think there’s an actual problem.

If they could come right and say that they don’t care about the uninsured, at least we’d have some honesty. But they know that Americans want health coverage for their uninsured countrymen. So they have to come up with “solutions” that don’t actually solve anything and cost very little. Health insurance, in this mode, is about marketing rather than solving problems: Republicans can continue to market themselves as the party of fiscal discipline and mock Democrats as “tax and spend”, all without actually doing anything.

So again, the choice is simple: either you think it’s a problem that tens of millions of your fellow-Americans lack insurance and can go bankrupt just by getting sick, or you don’t. If you do, there’s one political party that’s trying to solve it, and one that views the uninsured as a marketing tool. If you believe that the uninsured are a problem, but you have problems with the Democrats’ plans, do all you can to fix those plans. Don’t look to Republicans for a solution, because all they have to offer is empty sloganeering.

One little note on Scott Brown, Martha Coakley, and health reform — January 20, 2010

One little note on Scott Brown, Martha Coakley, and health reform

This election has me more miserable than I really want to go into, so let me just say this:

Yes, Brown’s election means that a lot of filibusters down the line are possible. But what people are really flailing all around about now is that *health reform*, in particular, might be filibustered to death.

Now then. If that’s what people are actually concerned about (let me be really fucking clear that that’s what *I’m* concerned about), then we could have dodged the bullet on this long ago. Obama and Senate Democrats tried to play nice with Republicans for a long while. That failed. It led to months of delay. If we’re essentially into conference-committee territory now, we could have been in conference-committee territory months ago. By the time Scott Brown’s miserable ass got sworn into Congress, we could have long since had health reform that people aren’t embarrassed about.

Lots of people, myself included, have railed against Senate procedure causing everything to get slowed down. But the fact is that health reform was and is an unforced error. The threat of a filibuster cannot explain why Democrats took so long to get the job done.

A brief note on the ethics of Harry Reid and of his critics — January 11, 2010

A brief note on the ethics of Harry Reid and of his critics

It speaks to our failings as a society that Harry Reid could be pushed to resign for *saying some words* about Barack Obama, whereas the entire Republican party feels no compulsion to resign for, objectively speaking, consigning many thousands of uninsured poor people to die every year and resisting all attempts to improve the lives of the less fortunate.

It speaks to the Democratic Party’s failings that they don’t say this.