Notes on traveling to Argentina and Brazil (spring vacation 2014) — March 2, 2014

Notes on traveling to Argentina and Brazil (spring vacation 2014)

The first thing I would like to say about this trip is that it was awesome. Buenos Aires resembles Paris in a lot of really amazing ways (including an abundance of dogs, though BA does a much worse job cleaning up after them), and Iguazu Falls is really awe-inspiring; the several hundred (sic) waterfalls make Niagara look like a piker.

The second thing to note is that the currency situation is completely bizarre. I include this second because it unfortunately consumed a large part of our trip and our mental energy. The basic gist is that Argentina is experiencing hyperinflation, which would lead to a plummeting exchange rate with the US dollar if the market were allowed to do its thing. But the market is not allowed to do its thing; Argentina is under currency controls. The most important upshot of this for tourists is that there is a massive disconnect between the official exchange rate and the unofficial rate, the latter of which is called the “blue dollar”. The blue dollar even has a Twitter feed to track its current exchange rate; the blue rate is currently 11.3 pesos to the dollar. Contrast this with the official exchange rate, currently 7.89 to 1. If you withdraw cash from an ATM or use a credit card, you’ll get the official rate, which means you’ll be paying (11.3/7.89)-1 = 43% more for any given item than you should be.

I expected that it would be fairly easy to get the blue rate. It probably would have been if I had planned things more deliberately ahead of time. My understanding is that most hotels will hook you up with someone who can get you the proper rate. Once we had a waiter in a restaurant change $20 for us at 10 pesos to the dollar. Another time I asked a cashier at a café to change money at the blue rate, and he reacted as though I had just asked him, “Hey, do you have any drugs?” while he’s standing next to a cop. “No blue dollar,” he said; “just the official rate.”

We ultimately got 10 pesos to the dollar from Mobile Wechselstube, which delivered money to us by bicycle while we sipped cold drinks at a café. So if we were to do it again, I think we’d

1. Change a small amount of money at the airport, just to get a cab to our AirBNB.
2. Pre-arrange with Mobile Wechselstube to deliver to us at a café, or arrange with a friend to get 11-to-1.

It has to be mapped out ahead of time, though. That, I think, is the final lesson in all of this. In general, I hope I’ll be a lot more deliberate in my foreign-travel preparations from now on.

The exchange-rate situation is part of a larger story that I really need to understand in detail, given that it overlaps with a number of my interests and seems to intersect with larger parts of Argentine history. In capsule form (which is most of what I know at the moment): the current president, Cristina Kirchner, is the widow of the former president, Néstor Kirchner, who in 2007 fired the head of the agency for official statistics (Indec) when it dared to publish an estimate of inflation that was markedly higher than what the government said it was. The government has continued to insist on its inaccurate inflation numbers since 2007, apparently having gutted Indec’s autonomy in the meantime. The IMF took the strong step within the past few months of censuring the Argentine government over its statistical practices. Official statistics are in many ways central to the functioning of a modern industrial democracy; it’s a testament to the United States that our official statistics (the Census Bureau and the BLS specifically) are almost universally respected, with the exception of some cranks. I’d love to understand the institutional structures that keep our statistics collection independent. I’d also like to understand how the IMF can confirm that a nation is playing a game of funny buggers with its inflation statistics.

Back to our more-local story: if you get the blue exchange rate in Argentina, everything is really cheap. For instance, we had the best meal of our lives at Casa Felix for 400 pesos per person, including wine pairings. At 11.3 pesos to the dollar, that’s $35.39 per person for what — I repeat — was the best meal of our lives, including wine.

Indeed, flying around was the most expensive part of the trip, by far. Looking through my receipts, it looks like the whole trip cost $6500, of which about 70% was the airfare. Housing through AirBNB was only about 8% of the total cost.

We took the free walking tour around Buenos Aires, which I would highly recommend. It’s funded entirely through tips for the tour guides. We gave ours $20, and it seemed like most others on the tour did as well. Our tour guide was named Magdalena; she was charming as hell. I was concerned going into the tour that it would be propagandistic, or rather that it would whitewash the parts of Argentine history that don’t fit a pleasant narrative. Maybe I’ve been mis-trained by Boston tours, whose theme is basically “Boston was central to the American Revolution … and then a few hundred years passed.” No Joseph Rakes attacking Ted Landsmark with a flag pole there. So I was pleasantly surprised that Magdalena didn’t shy away from discussing the Dirty War.

You have to see tango while you’re there. I can’t pretend that I know The Best And Most Authentic Tango Spot In All Of Buenos Aires, but I would like to direct your favorable attention to Buenos Ayres [sic] Club. The night we went, dancing was in full effect, and El Afronte was blowing everyone’s minds. I must own their music now.

We saw something that is seemingly quite a lot less authentic the next night, having had our whistles wetted by El Afronte. This was Bar Sur. It’s run down, a little sad, and entirely surreal; I guess it’s a Porteño’s vision of what a tourist in Buenos Aires thinks tango is. I’m glad we saw El Afronte first; it was achingly intimate and lovely. (Bar Sur was 200 pesos per person after the doorman bargained himself down. I think his initial offer of 400 pesos, or whatever it was, was entirely for effect. The place was almost empty that night.)

Overall our itinerary was: first night in Palermo Hollywood, fly up to Iguazu, spend a few nights there, then fly back and spend a few nights in Palermo (near the Bulnes Subte station). Palermo is a really nice neighborhood to spend your time in; I would highly recommend it. Recoleta is also nice, but Palermo is more transit-accessible. The city has 40-some barrios, and we only saw maybe five of them, so I can’t say that we’ve landed on the one objectively correct place to stay. But we did well. We really enjoyed ourselves. If we were to do it all over again, I think I’d spend one day less — or maybe ideally half a day less — in Iguazu. And I’d probably explore San Telmo more during the day; our only encounter with it was the milonga at night, and a restaurant just before the milonga that was completely empty other than the two of us.

Speaking of which, a word on the Buenos Aires schedule: I don’t understand it at all. We’d heard from nearly everyone, guide books included, that Argentines start eating dinner around 10, and routinely go to bed around 2. You’d think, then, that their schedules would be shifted four hours or so ahead of the standard American one: Porteños would wake up at 10 or 11, get into work at noon, and leave around 8 or 9 pm. Then they’d come home, eat late, party, and start the cycle all over again. Yet in our week there, I don’t think we managed to understand exactly how the schedule worked. We definitely seemed to hop on the Subte at rush hour circa 9 or 10 am, and again at 6pm or so. And restaurants were deserted when everyone had suggested that they’d be packed. Were we picking the wrong restaurants? Or m’lady’s hypothesis: everyone who visits Buenos Aires, including guide book authors, is pulling a massive joke on the rest of us. Argentines want their restaurants to be free of tourists when it’s time for the natives to dine, so they tell everyone else to show up at 11pm. Here in Boston, a similar strategy would be to tell tourists that positively *everyone* drinks at Cheers and eats at Legal Seafoods, thereby leaving lots of free space at the bars we *actually* frequent.

If you’re lucky enough to spend more time in Buenos Aires than we did, maybe you can come back and explain to me how it works. Or maybe you’re in on the conspiracy too.

A tiny thought — February 20, 2014
Paul Wells, The Longer I’m Prime Minister: Stephen Harper and Canada, 2006- —

Paul Wells, The Longer I’m Prime Minister: Stephen Harper and Canada, 2006-

A man's silhouette, set in front of a draped Canadian flag

This is an interesting read for an American who mostly knows nothing about how parliamentary democracy works, who knows nothing about Stephen Harper other than that I’m supposed to hate him, and who has a starry-eyed vision of Canada. (Vancouver and Montreal are amazing. The fact that Americans aren’t moving there en masse is proof that we’ve been brainwashed.)

What outsiders — this one, anyway — want to know is whether the Canadian welfare state is basically resilient against those who want to destroy it, and whether indeed Harper wants to destroy it. (Sort of like with the UK: in a conservative’s most hopeful moments, can he even dream of killing the NHS?) I look up to the Canadian welfare state; is it all going to disappear under Harper?

I think the short answer from Wells’s book is “too soon to tell; check back later.” First, Harper has learned on a few occasions that the Canadian populace just will not tolerate sudden changes; so whatever he does, he’s going to do gradually. But the more important story is right there in Wells’s title: Harper has been in office now for eight years, and soon enough he’ll be the sixth-longest-serving prime minister in Canadian history. With luck (from Harper’s perspective), he’ll not only stay in office for a long time, but cement his legacy through successors who will carry his program forward. Gradualism, carried on over time, can achieve a lot. If we’re wondering whether Harper will upturn the welfare state, I think Wells would tell us that we’ll have to do a lot of waiting and seeing.

What Harper’s done in the meantime seems to be a variant of the Grover Norquist “starve the beast” approach: he’s slashed tax revenues and flirted with deficits, because apparently the going theory is that Canadian PMs just can’t leave a surplus alone; they feel compelled to spend it on social programs.

Then there are Harper’s moves that just seem outright slimy, like getting rid of the long-form census and generally gutting Statistics Canada. Again, this seems to be part of a pattern: if you remove the fundamental tools underlying the welfare state, including its financing and its means of measuring the populace, then there are questions you just never think of asking. If you stop measuring the same people over time, for instance, it’s harder to say that income mobility has gone down.

Gutting the collection of official statistics is right out of the U.S. GOP’s playbook. Wells touches on this a little bit, but perhaps not as much as I’d like. Is Canadian conservatism very similar to its American cousin? Wells is more focused on Harper the man, and on the details of Ottawa politics, so The Longer I’m Prime Minister has more to say about the politics than about these broader questions.

Wells also presupposes that I know more about Canada than I do. (It’s probably fair to assume that most Americans will not read a book about Canadian politics, so he rightly assumes that his reader will have all the necessary background.) For instance, the fight between western and eastern Canada is a large part of the book’s undercurrent. Is Canada basically a resource-extraction economy, based in Alberta, with a financial economy strapped on top? What happens when the oil runs out? In any case, Wells paints Harper’s time in office as the story of a man empowering western Canada while bringing along as many Québecois as necessary to get repeatedly reëlected.

Québec is an interesting part of the story, for me anyway. I never really knew that the Bloc Québecois was important to people outside Québec, but it repeatedly shows up in Wells’s story as the bogeyman — basically, “Don’t vote for this guy; he’s allied with those separatist terrorists over there.” There are parallels with the treatment of American socialism. The Bloc Québecois is treated (fairly or unfairly; I’m not fit to judge) as the group that wants to tear Canada apart. So various elections were cast as a battle between separatism and federalism. (The elections also lasted five weeks, I hasten to add. This too can be ours, America!)

Again, Wells knows how scared (or not) I ought to be; I do not. When m’lady and I went up to Montréal 18 months ago or so, we stayed with a charming French-Canadian man at an AirBNB, who told us that we, of course, must have heard in the United States about the recent student protests. We blushingly admitted that no, we had not, because American news says basically nothing about Canada. (If it covered Canada honestly, I swear we’d all move there.) According to our host, the government had talked about raising university fees, which had sparked the first round of protests. Apparently the protests turned up to 11 when the National Assembly of Québec passed an emergency law limiting how students could protest. Read the linked Wikipedia entries. I’ll just note one bit from there: the bill would have raised tuition “from $2,168 to $3,793 between 2012 and 2018.” I … I don’t need to explain to American readers why this news would have landed and died on page A16 or so in the <span class="newspaper"New York Times.

So is that essentially what the Harper era comes down to? A weakening of the welfare state such that university educations become slightly less affordable? (Median Canadian family income income is on the order of US$63,000, so four years’ tuition even by 2018 would be c. 25% of the median Canadian family’s annual income.) Don’t mistake me: I am deeply envious of the Canadian social-welfare state, and I’m humbled that Canadians are out on the streets fighting to keep education cheap. This was just the sort of story that Wells assumed we all knew: sure, Harper is shaking things up somewhat, empowering the west a bit at the expense of the east, but Canada will still be Canada when all is said and done.

On a personal note: m’lady and I visited some friends in Vancouver over Patriot’s Day of 2013. I was absolutely in love (with Vancouver, as well as with m’lady). Our friends were American expats who did what everyone said they’d do in 2004, namely move to Canada if Bush was reëlected. He was, and they did. They seem 100% happy with that decision. It’s right there, America! It’s a quick and astonishingly beautiful train ride north from Seattle. I don’t know why I haven’t moved there yet.

Also, I haven’t investigated this too closely, but when we got back from Montréal I looked into the Québec points system. Immigration into Canada, if I’m reading things right, is … rational? Is that even a word? Can I dream? You speak English, you get some points; you speak French, you get some points; you’re of baby-making age, you get some points; you’ve got a college education, you get some points; you have a job offer, you get some points; you can live without the support of the welfare state, you get some points. Add up the points; if the sum is high enough, you’re likely to be able to immigrate into Canada. It almost seems too good to be true.

I’m kind of in love with my ancestral home (everyone in my family named Laniel who was born up to 1946 spoke French as a first language, and for all I know I have some connection to a French postwar prime minister). I read Wells, in no small part, to decide whether I should be: my buddy Chris, I think, wanted to gently remove a little bloom from the rose. I’m not sure he succeeded. Maybe I should read a book on Rob Ford next.

Doctors are part of the capitalist economy as well — February 19, 2014

Doctors are part of the capitalist economy as well

That would be my takeaway from any number of Atul Gawande’s works, maybe taking canonical form in The Checklist Manifesto. If you’re looking for a short intro to the idea, how about Gawande’s piece on the Apgar score? According to Gawande, there’s a more or less straight line between the Apgar score and the rise of C-sections. C-sections may be industrial and clinical, but they seem to lead to higher Apgar scores. You optimize for what you can measure.

Boy, did that Apgar-score essay ever irritate an ex-girlfriend of mine, who had had experience with the hospital system and absolutely hated the idea of birth being mechanized, and mothers being routinely subjected to surgery for something that should be natural and beautiful. I’ll even set aside for the moment the whole question of whether the C-section is better for mothers and babies; a lot of people just hate the idea of medical care being turned into this cold, mechanical, capitalist process.

Doctors seemingly hate the idea of being treated as mere cogs in the capitalist machine, churning out the same medical procedure over and over again. They’d probably hate to be penalized for deviations from accepted practice. That would explain the resistance that Gawande encountered among doctors to their merely washing their hands more often. They might like to believe that each patient is a separate entity with his or her own feelings and needs, and that the main thing the doctor brings to the relationship is empathy — deeply personalized empathy.

I want to believe that too. I also want to believe that the data would bear it out: the more empathetic the doctor, the better the care and the better the health outcomes. And maybe that’s true. But it’s just as easy for me to believe that we want to be measuring rates of central-line infection and hand-washing, and that the way to measure these things is to get doctors to spend a lot more time feeding data into the system that confirm they’re running procedures exactly the same way every time. Hospitals become Taylorist factories. Sorry.

That’d be my response to Bill Gardner’s thought-provoking latest piece at The Incidental Economist. Maybe measuring everything is at odds with understanding the patient as a human being. But given that conflict, which do you think will win? Capitalism always wins. The bet isn’t remotely fair.

Corey Robin knocks another one out of the park — February 18, 2014

Corey Robin knocks another one out of the park

…with this achingly beautiful piece, a followup to his earlier column which said that socialism converts hysterical misery into ordinary unhappiness. It starts like so:

> Socialism wont eliminate the sorrows of the human condition. Loss, death, betrayal, disappointment, hurt: none of these would disappear or even be mitigated in a socialist society. As the Pirkei Avot puts it, against your will you enter this world, against your will you leave it. (Or something like that.) Thats not going to change under socialism.
>
> …
>
> But what socialism can do is to arrange things so that you can deal with and confront these unhappinesses of the human condition. Not flee from or avoid them because youre so consumed by the material constraints and hassles of everyday life.

It gets better from there. Please go read.

Single-payer versus individual mandate, shoveling-your-sidewalk department — February 16, 2014

Single-payer versus individual mandate, shoveling-your-sidewalk department

Brief note: when the city you live in requires you to shovel the sidewalk around your home, and leaves open the possibility of fining you for not shoveling, that’s an individual mandate for shoveling. When the city does it for you in exchange for your tax money, that’s single-payer shoveling.

Both have failure modes similar to the health-insurance case. In the individual-mandate case, the city might set the fine too low, such that people have an incentive to shirk their duty. But there’s a social aspect to the shoveling mandate that might be missing in the insurance case: everyone can see that you haven’t shoveled. As for single-payer shoveling: maybe the city would do a poor job of it.

In Cambridge, anyway, the results of the mandate are quite poor. “America’s Walking City” is a really poor place to walk during the winter. Me, I’d love some single-payer shoveling here.

Then, of course, there’s my longstanding gripe about how we choose to account for expenses like these. Charge all Americans taxes to fund the Department of Defense: that’s on the Federal budget, hence contributes to the deficit. Instead require all Americans to purchase a “self-defense package” from a private Defense Provider of their choice, while requiring that the self-defense package provide certain minimum safeguards, such as fighter jets: that’s not on the budget (you’re buying it on the private market, after all), so it doesn’t contribute to the deficit. You can see our way out of all debt concerns: don’t charge Americans taxes; just require them to buy things.

Likewise, Cambridge isn’t charging us taxes, with which it will hire men to shovel our sidewalks. Instead it’s shifting that burden onto us. So when you wake up at 5am to shovel your sidewalk, because you need to get it done before you take your kids to school, that doesn’t show up on the books, even though it deducts from your time, and even though your time is worth some money.

Finally: if the city did this for me, it could benefit from economies of scale. Rather than 45,000 or so households each buying a shovel, the city could buy a much smaller number of industrial-strength snowblowers.

Here’s a compromise: the city continues to require us to do it ourselves, but it sets up libraries for capital goods. The library that’s a few hundred feet from my apartment would open its doors early in the morning on the day of a snowstorm and allow one person from each building to rent a snowblower for a few hours. Seems silly to take this approach: it requires the city to spend money on more capital goods for its citizens than if the city just took care of the job itself. But there’s clearly something motivating the city, at present, to require that we all remove our own snow, and this plan allows them to continue that.

Dean Baker and Mark Weisbrot, Social Security: The Phony Crisis — February 15, 2014

Dean Baker and Mark Weisbrot, Social Security: The Phony Crisis

Badly PhotoShopped-together images of various things, including a clockwork and a $50 bill

I should never forget about Dean Baker. He and Paul Krugman are in the same corner, constantly taking a numerical hatchet to conservative presumptions about the economy. In Social Security: The Phony Crisis, Baker and Weisbrot show conclusively that conservative ideas about privatizing Social Security just don’t make numerical sense. The stock market, for one, won’t guarantee huge returns unless the economy as a whole is growing at a stellar rate; and if the economy is growing at a stellar rate, then each of our pocketbooks will be engorged; and if each of our pocketbooks is engorged, then we should have no trouble funding Social Security far into the future.

I learned about Baker and Weisbrot’s book when Diamond and Orszag cited it. They devoted literally just one footnote to Baker and Weisbrot, and referred to them in the body of the text (not by name) as liberals who reject all efforts at privatization. They did this so that they could then position themselves as the reasonable centrists. I understand why they might have done this — they were writing during the Bush Administration, after all, when maybe they hoped they could placate their enemies by giving them half a loaf — but it turns out, having read Baker and Weisbrot, that Diamond and Orszag got it all wrong. Reading Baker and Weisbrot, the conclusion seems inescapable that there really is no Social Security problem at all. I really wonder what the four authors, put together in a room, would say to each other. I wonder if Diamond and Orszag would say, “Yeah, we know, but we had to say what we said when we said it.”

I want to buy copies of Social Security: The Phony Crisis for everyone I know. We’ve had the same ideas hammered into our brains for 30+ years by now: Social Security is going broke; we can’t afford the good life for all our citizens; taxes are too high. It’s important that someone occasionally step up and remind us that these aren’t facts; they were ideas invented by people who have an agenda that they’re trying to sell.

Most every page in Phony Crisis contains at least one idea that’s so clear, and so well-supported numerically, that I felt dumb for not having thought of it myself. How about this, for instance: people get so concerned that the country will have an intolerable burden on its hands as the Baby Boom generation ages, and the ratio of retirees to workers increases. But no one seems to be concerned about another population that contributes nothing to the GDP, namely children. We invest lots of money in children in the form of schooling, yet no one seems concerned that they’re going to bankrupt the country; we rightly believe that investing in children will make the country wealthier in the future.

So the number we ought to be looking at is the so-called “dependency ratio” — the size of the population that contributes nothing to GDP (retirees plus children, basically), divided by the overall population. FRED, my favorite source of data, comes to the rescue:

A graph that peaks at around 34% in 1969, and falls continuously to 22% by 2012.

You can juggle various indicators of what we’re trying to measure (namely: how much of a problem is the aging of the population?), but that’s kind of the point: these things can be measured, at least in a back-of-the-envelope way; and the more back-of-the-envelope counterexamples each of us has in our heads, the more immunized we’ll be against nonsense.

There’s another broad point that this book tackles: when we argue over seemingly abstruse accounting problems, such as whether to use chained CPI to measure inflation, we’re not just talking about arcane math; we’re talking about people’s real lives. You might think that someone else is engaging in a technical discussion, but there are real ethical choices buried in those numbers. The main ethical question is: are we in this together, as a society, or are we instead just libertarian billiard balls engaging in market transactions with each other? This really isn’t just accounting; it’s about nothing more or less than how a 21st-century democracy cares for its citizens over the industrial life-cycle. If you choose to tune out, and choose not to learn math, that’s your right, but the other side is making different choices.

Baker and Weisbrot are happy warriors in this battle. Their book ought to be in everyone’s coat pocket.

George Packer’s piece about Amazon is terrible — February 14, 2014

George Packer’s piece about Amazon is terrible

I have a deep love for George Packer’s work, going back many books. Blood of the Liberals is one of my all-time favorite books, though viewed in the context of the other books and articles he’s written, it’s condescending: his deep desire to find a liberalism that can appeal to the common man is somehow at odds with everyone else’s. Likewise, when George Packer came to oppose the War in Iraq, his ultimate decision to oppose it was thoughtful and well-meaning, whereas everyone else’s was reflexive and irrational.

The piece on Amazon is a long string of ad hominems, including the requisite slam on engineers: “Everyone there is so engineering-oriented. They dont know how to talk to novelists.” That one example, it seems to be, contains the key to what’s wrong with the whole piece: throughout the piece, you ought to be asking, “Compared to what?” People with an engineering focus can’t talk to novelists, sure. So I assume Random House is filled with artsy types who are willing to forego a profit to take a flyer on some unknown, promising author? I have no experience in the publishing industry, but I am willing to wager huge quantities of money against that premise. Take a nice anonymous survey of authors — including aspiring or failed authors — who’ve worked with large publishers and let’s see what they think of the publishers’ author-friendliness.

Amazon is terrible for local bookstores, sure. But compared to what? How about you Google for [bookstore market share 1998]? Up comes a [newspaper: New York Times] article from that year titled “Independent Bookstores Struggle Against the Tide”. Quoth that article:

In Tarrytown, the American Booksellers Association, a trade association, reported that while the independents held a market share of 31 percent in 1991, that number had dropped precipitously to under 19 percent five years later.

So let’s not romanticize the world that Amazon inherited. It was dominated by Borders and Barnes & Noble. At one point there was Waldenbooks, too.

It’s hard to find a sentence in Packer’s piece that doesn’t contain a tendentious interpretation of data that we all already experience. To pick just one:

The digital market is awash with millions of barely edited titles, most of it dreck, while readers are being conditioned to think that books are worth as little as a sandwich. Amazon has successfully fostered the idea that a book is a thing of minimal value, Johnson said. Its a widget.

Did Amazon create this attitude? Who you gonna believe: George Packer, or your own lying eyes? Here’s what my impression tells me: back in the day, I used to buy music CDs, each of which I treasured and obsessed over. I’d buy an album or two, then spend the next few weeks digesting it lovingly. I’d read all the liner notes; I’d listen to it until I’d memorized every lyric and every last bridge. Then MP3s happened. Now I don’t see any liner notes; I don’t see cover art. For a time I used Napster, which allowed me to get unlimited access to free music. Each individual track, then, was valueless — literally costless. Nowadays I use Amazon MP3s, where most tracks cost $0.99. I also use Rdio, which allows me to stream most any song for free. I’ve used Songza and Pandora for similar purposes. In fact the default now seems to be that music is free (ad-supported). I don’t know, but I assume none of these services pays artists particularly well.

So music, in any case, has long since moved from a model where each work was an individual perfect snowflake to a model wherein it’s all basically wallpaper: you can get all the music you want at any time of day or night, and each individual track is a fungible commodity.

As for print media: you could argue that Amazon turned any individual bit of writing into a commodity, but that’s obvious nonsense. The presence of blogs had much more to do with that than did Amazon. The fact that I can get my hands on any newspaper from anywhere in the world had much more to do with that than did Amazon. My Instapaper queue is enormous, meaning that I have mountains of fungible text awaiting me. Amazon did not invent the commoditization of everything electronic; the Internet did.

Listen, I’m not 100% happy about this. I wish this blog post you’re reading were the most brilliant thing you’ll read all week. I wish you carried it rolled up under your arm; that you highlighted interesting passages with a pen; that you photocopied it at work and shared it with all your officemates. But that’s not how the world works anymore. Someone writes an article in a newspaper or magazine, and within hours thousands of blogs have digested that article for you. Now you can choose among thousands of blogs, each of which approaches that newspaper article from thousands of perspectives. I’m sure I could find a libertarian gun nut’s take on George Packer’s piece if I looked long enough in benighted corners of the Internet. But the point is that it’s all a commodity now. George Packer’s apparent dream, wherein each book is treated as a perfect, crystalline work of art, is many years out of date.

I think it’s even out of date for beautiful books published by reputable publishers. Years ago I read Yochai Benkler‘s The Wealth of Networks, which is really a lovely book published by one of the best university presses. A university press! Shouldn’t they be the last bastions of hope for authors who aren’t chasing a profit? University presses are associated with non-profit institutions whose goal is to contribute to the sum of human knowledge. Yet even Benkler’s book, which is sort of a landmark in the field, was horribly edited. When I asked around about this, the word I got back is that authors are now expected to do their own copyediting, and are expected to submit “camera-ready” manuscripts. So much for publisher support.

At the risk of waving my hands too broadly at “society”, I am willing to blame capitalism just as much as I’m willing to blame Amazon or the Internet. Eventually everything becomes a commodity. Eventually everything gets driven down to marginal cost. If Amazon didn’t do it, someone else would.

I don’t mean to absolve Amazon. In fact I mean to praise them, which Packer is somehow unwilling to do. Everyone loves Amazon, right? They’re good for customers. Here’s Packer:

Those were sweet words for a company that declares itself to be Earths most customer-centric company. Even its bitterest critics reluctantly admit to using Amazon, unable to resist its unparalleled selection, price, and convenience. When Bezos talks about serving the customer, its as if he were articulating his purpose in life. The customer is almost theological, James Marcus said. Any sacrifice is suitable for the customer.

That’s basically the extent of Packer’s praise for Amazon, which is incredibly odd. This is a company whose success is changing one industry after another, and Packer’s piece somehow attributes all of that success to malign influence — such as the infamous engineering attitude. How about this: it’s succeeding because it does right by its customers? Packer is just unwilling to admit that, because it would undermine the entire rest of the article — an article whose premise is that Amazon’s band of barbarians is toppling a once-civilized industry. This premise gets no support from Packer’s article. And somehow Packer never really addresses a question that ought to be fundamental: how could something be good for readers and not good for books, or good for authors, or good for publishers? I’m open to the possibility that there’s a conflict there, but really Packer ought to be asking: does Amazon make people read more, or less? Offhand, I assume that it makes them read more, because books are now cheaper. When people read more, that’s good for authors and publishers. That seems to be the fundamental calculus here, and Packer never once addresses it squarely.

I hate to say it, but Packer’s piece is garbage. I hope you read it in costless form on the Internet. When you do so, I expect that Packer will shed a single proud tear for the commoditization of his heretofore priceless work.

P.S.: The costlessness of the Internet means that my own blog post here is just a disposable commodity. Either I learn to deal with that, or I don’t. The dialectic doesn’t care especially much what I think about it.

I think this would be the MOST fun if it were actually a troll-shaped Barbie doll — February 12, 2014
I submit the radical hypothesis that communications media ought to be used insofar as they’re useful — February 11, 2014

I submit the radical hypothesis that communications media ought to be used insofar as they’re useful

Austin Frakt says conference calls should be more like Twitter. I agree! I would go further: I think that people should use each medium exactly so far as it’s useful, and should use each to augment the others. For instance, I believe that people should use email up to the point that everyone is talking past everyone else and the conversation is muddled, but no further. If there’s information to be conveyed that can’t be conveyed via telephone, I believe that it shouldn’t be conveyed via telephone. Likewise, if a rapid back-and-forth would be useful, I believe telephones should be used for that. If the conversation is more asynchronous, particularly if it’s happening across many time zones, I believe email is valuable for that. And I believe conducting part of a conversation over email, part over voice, is the right idea.

My “some methods are appropriate in some contexts, some in others” approach has made a big splash approximately nowhere.